'Black Money' and Tunisian Politics

Tunisia is getting ready for its parliamentary elections that is to be held on 17 December. While people may say it's too early to start thinking about that, a sign of relief can be detected inside the Tunisian street that parliamentary life maybe returning to the country. 

But there is enormous trepidation, apprehension and fear that things are not what they seem to be. While its true Tunisia maybe getting on the right "representation" track this is coming at a great cost. President Kais Saied through his new laws, is making sure it is the "democracy" that he wants is the one that is being introduced. 

After having suspended parliament and sacked the government and prime minister last July, held a referendum on the new constitution that scrapped the word Islam from its charter, he is now saying Tunisians can have a new assembly, but it must be controlled and 'fit' the democratic experiment in the country. This is not only worrying Tunisians, but political parties who are, for the most part, boycotting the elections, and observers internationally who fear political representation is being stripped of its meaning. Nevertheless, Saied is not a man for the turning with continuing ruling by decree. Everyone must wait to see what will happen to that! 

He has just introduced new legislations reducing the parliamentary seats from 217 to 161, governed the procedures to follow for prospective candidates and a set of penalties against anyone who violates the new rules. Also, its not spelt right out but Saied seeks to alter the political landscape through emasculating the powers of political parties and putting greater power in the hands of candidates not on a party list basis. Also, the electorates will now have ultimate control over parliamentary deputies both in casting their votes and can now ultimately remove them from their post if they so wish. 

There will now be greater control on deputies from the moment they say they want to stand for parliament. But there is a very big but. First of all, candidates have to secure 400 voter names to recommend them and secure their candidature divided equally from among male and female voters and 25 percent from among so-called young voters who must be no more than 35 years old.

As well, candidates will no longer be allowed to have access to public monies to finance their electoral campaigns as was the case prior to 2019 when Saied was elected as president. In the 2022 elections prospective candidates will need to secure their own finance, through their own personal sources otherwise they can't compete. Finding such monies have their price however. 

These two conditions are already getting the wind up of many people who are expressing their dismay on the social media through much commentary and debate. Anger is being made on the securing of 400 names that must be made to the country's election commission at the time of registration and which opens its doors on 17 October for one week only. Many are saying they won't have enough time to do that. And even if did many argue it would encourage first stage vote buying to secure the 400-mark and start a thinly-veiled process of corruption.

 The other point is the lack of access to public finance, a point that prospective candidates are worried about. Many say just who will finance the elections campaigns and the type of candidates who will come forward and the implications for those who have good political intentions in parliament. 

Critics have come to the fore quickly pointing to other defaults in the new system. They plainly say the incumbent political set up would strengthen the role of the tribe, kinship and extended relations and thus the candidate/and or the deputy becomes their man in parliament, he would be dependent on them and under the new law, they can get rid of him if he doesn't toe the line as set by the communal relationship.

Further the cancellation of public funding for electoral purposes would mean the candidate would have to borrow from elsewhere to run for parliament. This would mean increasing his indebtedness and spike the notions of "black money", "political money" and strengthen the hand of loan sharks and tie him/or her to unsavory persons or organizations in society, polity and economy. As well it, would open candidates and parliamentary deputies to rich businessmen who would exploit their positions for their own gains because it is they who would have the readily available cash for an extended electoral campaign. 

It is argued that the new laws and procedures wouldn't get Tunisia out of its economic and political rut and would only weaken democracy, representation and possibly replace political parties, like the Islamists dominated by Ennhada who are already being "harassed" by the state with most of them including its leader Rashed Al Ghanoushi either in police custody under investigation or under surveillance. They are already having a tough time.  

But other parties are not happy either for the new laws are against them just the same but this is denied by the government under the rule of Saied. However, dealing with the political crisis is one thing while facing the bitter economic realities of high unemployment, soaring cost of living and high foreign debt is quite another. It is these issues that must be dealt with before putting the political house in order that must be dealt with. It must be economic before politics.

However, that's only the start for Tunisia. Word has it that the new parliament would have to share its role with local/regional parliamentary Assemblies but that's another story.